Africas First Peacekeeping Operation: The OAU in Chad, 1981-1982


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But if the Lagos agreement is not implemented, whatever peacekeeping force may be introduced into Chad should have the approval and financial support of the U. Security Council.

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The ill-fated OAU Organization of African Unity peacekeeping force of foundered in no small measure because outside support for the effort was based far more on protecting the interests of Sudan and opposing those of Qaddafi than on concern for a peaceful Chad. That is why Security Council support is essential. The U. Any other solution to the Western Sahara problem that the proposed union of Morocco and Libya might impose by force of arms or diplomatic maneuver would leave the OAU divided and disabled, and northwest Africa unpeaceful for some time to come.

Calaméo - NIGERIA’S ROLE AND ITS PEACEKEEPING CHALLENGES IN AFRICA: AN ASSESSMENT

No other African political issue is as central and emotionally charged, however, as the situation in southern Africa. But that is not enough. Security Council Resolution , passed in , on Namibian independence.

The American rejection of aid to Mozambique because of its Marxist leadership is a striking example. For South Africa the agreement is, at best, a pyrrhic victory, and for black Africa, at worst, the loss of a battle. The incumbent American administration has said that constructive engagement is aimed at building an "overall framework for regional security. The policy has encouraged the South African government to conclude that the world believes that its recent and dubious constitutional changes mean genuine progress in solving its racial problems.


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Africans cannot accept that the continued exclusion of the black majority from all political rights and participation constitutes progress. Nor can they understand how the United States, which daily proclaims its commitment to democracy, can condone such a trick with mirrors.

The least that Africans expect from the next American administration is abandonment of constructive engagement.

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The United States can help bring such change about by phased pressure. To begin, it can reinstitute the measures in force before and, in particular, tighten up U. If there is movement toward full participation by all South Africans in the government of their country, some of these measures may be relaxed. If not, further pressures can and should follow.

This linkage, rejected by some Contact Group members as well as by African states, was embraced by South Africa as a new and firmer basis for stalling on a Namibian settlement.

Africa’s Needs

The ball is now in the court of South Africa and its friends. The past four years should indicate to the American administration that Namibian independence, like stability in the region, cannot be achieved by appeasing South Africa. A new U. In the almost three decades of U.


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American presidents should realize that historical ties between Africa and the United States, as well as medium-and long-term American interests, demand policies that will enhance the capability of Africans to cope with their own problems. Africans, even more than Americans, want Africa to be free from foreign rule and from the threat of foreign domination.

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Africans want a peaceful and secure continent and sustainable social and economic development. Examining how these three international mechanisms have sought to establish and operationalise the norm, the author argues that the AU should make greater efforts to bring R2P implementation into line with the UN Charter in order to secure the legitimacy of regional interventions in Africa. Reflecting on the experience of the AU Mission in Sudan between and , the importance of clear mandates and sufficient capacity to the success of R2P interventions is emphasised.

The use of force by peacekeepers—its feasibility and potential extent—is analysed and placed within the context of peacebuilding in the R2P continuum. The essay also argues for better coordination between the UN Security Council and the world body's Economic and Social Council, as well as with the AU's Peace and Security Council, to ensure a reliable supply of adequate peacebuilding resources to Africa and proper consideration of security and reconstruction matters.

Africa's first peacekeeping operation : the OAU in Chad, 1981-1982

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Africas First Peacekeeping Operation: The OAU in Chad, 1981-1982 Africas First Peacekeeping Operation: The OAU in Chad, 1981-1982
Africas First Peacekeeping Operation: The OAU in Chad, 1981-1982 Africas First Peacekeeping Operation: The OAU in Chad, 1981-1982
Africas First Peacekeeping Operation: The OAU in Chad, 1981-1982 Africas First Peacekeeping Operation: The OAU in Chad, 1981-1982
Africas First Peacekeeping Operation: The OAU in Chad, 1981-1982 Africas First Peacekeeping Operation: The OAU in Chad, 1981-1982
Africas First Peacekeeping Operation: The OAU in Chad, 1981-1982 Africas First Peacekeeping Operation: The OAU in Chad, 1981-1982
Africas First Peacekeeping Operation: The OAU in Chad, 1981-1982 Africas First Peacekeeping Operation: The OAU in Chad, 1981-1982
Africas First Peacekeeping Operation: The OAU in Chad, 1981-1982 Africas First Peacekeeping Operation: The OAU in Chad, 1981-1982
Africas First Peacekeeping Operation: The OAU in Chad, 1981-1982 Africas First Peacekeeping Operation: The OAU in Chad, 1981-1982

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